Речь Гитлера в бункере перед генералами. Оригинальные немецкие субтитры без изменений, как говорят в фильме, и дословный перевод субтитров на русский язык.
Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg
September 1, 1939, justifying the German invasion of Poland. Short video clip excerpt. I have very often in my lifetime been a prophet and have been mostly derided. At the time of my struggle for power it was in the first instance the Jewish people who only greeted with laughter my prophecies that I would someday take over the leadership of the state and of the entire people of. speech to the Reichstag. September 15, 1935. On behalf of the German Reich Government, I have requested Reichstag President Pg. Goring to convene for today a session of the German Reichstag in Nuremberg. The place was chosen because, by virtue of the National Socialist. Адольф Гитлер — немецкий политик и оратор, основоположник и центральная фигура национал-социализма, основатель тоталитарной диктатуры Третьего рейха, глава Национал-социалистической немецкой рабочей п Смотрите видео онлайн «Адольф Гитлер цитаты и.
Цитаты гитлера на немецком
| Цитаты гитлера | Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат). |
| 45 лучших цитат Адольфа Гитлера. Афоризмы, высказывания и мысли Адольфа Гитлера — | Я хотел бы найти все речи Гитлера в оригинале на немецком языке, но чем больше я смотрю, тем меньше нахожу. Конечно, кое-где есть несколько его выступлений, но полного текста его речей на немецком нигде не найти. |
| Die Rede Adolf Hitlers – Речь Адольфа Гитлера « bumi bahagia / Glückliche Erde | On September 12, 1938, Adolf Hitler, Chancellor of the Reich, addressed the German Reichstag. That morning, The German Reich had crossed the German-Czech frontier, thus initiating the Invasion of Czechoslovakia. Delegates, Men of the German Reichstag! For months we have been suffering under. |
| Цитаты Гитлера на немецком | Речь Гитлера в бункере перед генералами. Оригинальные немецкие субтитры без изменений, как говорят в фильме, и дословный перевод субтитров на русский язык. |
| Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg | Немецкий является языком оригинала многих из нижеприведенных цитат, потому что среди немцев было много великих людей. |
Цитаты Гитлера
Цитаты Гитлера на немецком языке напоминают о трагических событиях и важности мира. Адольф Гитлер (1889-1945) был диктатором Германии с 1933 по 1945 годы и является одним из ключевых персонажей Второй мировой войны. Главная» Новости» Выступление гитлера на немецком текст. Цитаты гитлера на немецком.
Выдержки из стенографической записи высказываний Гитлера
Его сочли вражеским военнопленным, вдобавок, психом, — он привез с собой целый мешок с 28 лекарственными препаратами и набором гомеопатических средств, а также регулярно жаловался, что охранники пытаются его отравить. Версию о психическом расстройстве поддержало и руководство Германии, объявив, что заместитель фюрера сошел с ума и, страдая от галлюцинаций, улетел в неизвестном направлении. Позиция была странной: получается, подписывают указы и руководят страной невменяемые люди. Среди историков нет консенсуса о том, действительно ли Гесс спланировал свою миссию без согласия фюрера, страдая от психических проблем и переживая удаление от реальной политики. Личный архитектор Гитлера Альберт Шпеер вспоминал , как Гитлеру донесли новость о побеге: «В холле я увидел двух адъютантов Гесса — Лейтгена и Пича с бледными лицами. Они попросили меня пропустить их вперед, потому что они должны передать Гитлеру личное письмо Гесса.
Как раз в этот момент из своих верхних помещений вышел Гитлер. Одного из адъютантов пригласили наверх. Пока я еще раз пролистывал свои эскизы, я вдруг услышал слитный, нечленораздельный, почти животный вопль. Затем раздался рык: «Немедленно Бормана! Где Борман?
На то были причины: слухи о сепаратных переговорах с Британией подрывали союз с Италией и боевой дух немцев. Кроме того, Гитлер справедливо полагал, что англичане предупредят СССР о нападении, запланированном на июнь 1941 года.
Am 30. Januar 1933 ernannte Hindenburg Hitler zum Reichskanzler.
Adolf Hitler wird Reichskanzler am 30. WDR 5. Er heiratete sie erst wenige Tage vor ihrem gemeinsamen Suizid. Als in den letzten Kriegstagen die deutsche Niederlage absehbar war, erschoss sich Adolf Hitler am 30.
April 1945. Letzte Aktualisierung: 07.
These proposals for mediation have failed because in the meanwhile there, first of all, came as an answer the sudden Czechoslovak general mobilization, followed by more Czech atrocities. These were again repeated last night. Recently there have been as many as twenty-one incidents in which Czech military formations have killed innocent Sudeten Germans without provocations. Last night there were fourteen, of which one was quite serious. I have, therefore, resolved to speak to Czechoslovakia in the same language that Czechoslovakia for months past has used toward us and the Sudeten German minority. This attitude on the part of the Reich will not change.
The other European States understand in part our attitude. I should like here above all to thank Italy as well as Hungary, which throughout have supported us, but you will understand that for the carrying on of this struggle we do not intend to appeal to foreign help. We will carry out this task ourselves. The neutral States have assured us of their neutrality, just as we had already guaranteed it to them. When statesmen in the West declare that this affects their interests, I can only regret such a declaration. It cannot for a moment make me hesitate to fulfil my duty. What more is wanted? I have solemnly assured them, and I repeat it, that we ask nothing of those Western States and never will ask anything.
I have declared that the frontier between France and Germany is a final one. I have repeatedly offered friendship and, if necessary, the closest co-operation to Britain, but this cannot be offered from one side only. It must find response on the other side. Germany has no interests in the West, and our western wall is for all time the frontier of the Reich on the west. Moreover, we have no aims of any kind there for the future. With this assurance we are in solemn earnest, and as long as others do not violate their neutrality we will likewise take every care to respect it. I am determined to solve 1 the Sudeten question and 2 to see to it that a change is made in the relationship between Germany and Czechoslovakia that shall ensure a peaceful co-existence. In this I am resolved to continue to fight until either the present Czechoslovak government is willing to continue to bring about this change or until another Czechoslovak Government is ready to do so.
I am resolved to remove from the German frontiers the element of uncertainty, the everlasting atmosphere of conditions resembling civil war. I will see to it that in the East there is, on the frontier, a peace precisely similar to that on our other frontiers. In this I will take the necessary measures to se that they do not contradict the proposals I have already made known in the Reichstag itself to the rest of the world, that is to say, I will not war against women and children. I have ordered my air force to restrict itself to attacks on military objectives. If, however, the enemy thinks he can form that draw carte blanche on his side to fight by the other methods he will receive an answer that will deprive him of hearing and sight. This night for the first time Czech regular soldiers fired on our territory. Three German soldiers and five Sudeten Germans were killed by Czech soldiers at Egerteich without provocation. Since 6.
Whoever fight with poison gas will be fought with poison gas.
Und wenn eine Demokratie dumm genug ist, dabei stillzuhalten, dann ist sie gut. Sie reden von der Freiheit der Presse. In Wirklichkeit hat jede dieser Zeitungen einen Herrn. Und dieser Herr ist in jedem Fall der Geldgeber... Sie kennen sie ja, die alten Parteien. Es war immer eines und dasselbe.
Цитаты гитлера
| Адольф Гитлер цитаты | Воззвание Фюрера к Германскому Народу и Нота Министерства Иностранных Дел Германии Советскому Правительству с приложениями. |
| «Раздался животный вопль»: как ближайший соратник предал Гитлера и бежал в Британию - | Цитаты, фразы и афоризмы на немецком с переводом.”. |
| Нацист и ближайший соратник Гитлера Рудольф Гесс родился 130 лет назад | Вождь Рейха Адольф Гитлер имеет полную единодушную поддержку всего немецкого народа: какая еще демократия нужна демагогам Запада?». |
| Цитаты Гитлера на немецком | Известные цитаты Гитлера (100 цитат). |
| Speech on the Invasion of Czechoslovakia by Adolf Hitler (Fall Grün) | Alternative History | Fandom | The speeches, letters, and proclamations of Adolph Hitler. |
Выдержки из стенографической записи высказываний Гитлера
Адольф Гитлер — немецкий политик и оратор, основоположник и центральная фигура национал-социализма, основатель тоталитарной диктатуры Третьего рейха, глава Национал-социалистической немецкой рабочей п Смотрите видео онлайн «Адольф Гитлер цитаты и. September 1, 1939, justifying the German invasion of Poland. Short video clip excerpt. Полный текст обращения Гитлера от 22 июня 1941 года, в котором он разъяснял для немецкого народа причины нападения Германии на СССР: Немецкий народ!
служба утерянных цитат - 9
Mein politisches Testament. Seit ich 1914 als Freiwilliger meine bescheidene Kraft im ersten, dem Reich aufgezwungenen Weltkrieg einsetzte, sind nunmehr über dreissig Jahre vergangen. In diesen drei Jahrzehnten haben mich bei all meinem Denken, Handeln und Leben nur die Liebe und Treue zu. Фразы на немецком. Цитаты, афоризмы на немецком с переводом Фразы на немецком. Афоризмы, цитаты, высказывания знаменитых людей в переводе с немецкого на. Немецкая расовая теория привела Гитлера и его друзей к тому выводу, что немцы как единственно полноценная нация должны господствовать над другими нациями. Миллион Цитат. Гитлера нужно слушать, а не читать, на Гитлера надо смотреть, а не искать логику в его речах.
Text of Hitler's Speech to Reichstag at Nuremberg
Es ist unwahr, dass ich oder irgendjemand anderer in Deutschland den Krieg im Jahre - 2 - 1939 gewollt haben. Ich habe weiter nie gewollt, dass nach dem ersten unseligen Weltkrieg ein zweiter gegen England oder gar gegen Amerika entsteht. Auch dieses Angebot kann nicht weggeleugnet werden. Aus dem Opfer unserer Soldaten und aus meiner eigenen Verbundenheit mit ihnen bis in den Tod, wird in der deutschen Geschichte so oder so einmal wieder der Samen aufgehen zur strahlenden Wiedergeburt der nationalsozialistischen Bewegung und damit zur Verwirklichung einer wahren Volksgemeinschaft.
The meaning and purpose which Providence had in mind when it created the different races cannot be investigated by us, human beings, and no theory about it can be laid down. But the meaning and purpose of human organizations and of all human activities can be measured by asking what value they are for the maintenance of the race or people, which is the one existing element that must abide. The people—the race—is the primary thing. Party, State, Army, the national economic structure, Justice etc, all these are only secondary and accidental. They are only the means to the end and the end is the preservation of this nation. These public institutions are right and useful according to the measure in which their energies are directed towards this task. If they are incapable of fulfilling it, then their existence is harmful and they must either be reformed or removed and replaced by something better.
It is absolutely necessary that this principle should be practically recognized; for that is the only way in which men can be saved from becoming the victims of a devitalized set of dogmas in a matter where dogmas are entirely out of place, and from drawing dogmatic conclusions from the consideration of ways and means, when the final purpose itself is the only valid dogma. All of you, gentlemen and members of the German Reichstag, understand the meaning of what I have just said. But on this occasion I am speaking to the whole German people and therefore I should like to bring forward a few examples which show how important these principles were proved to be when they were put into practice. There are many people for whom this is the only way of explaining why we talk of a Nationalist Socialist Revolution, though no blood was shed and no property wrecked. For a long time our ideas of law and justice had been developing in a way that led to a state of general confusion. This was partly due to the fact that we adopted ideas which were foreign to our national character and also partly because the German mind itself did not have any clear notion of what public justice meant. This confusion was evidenced more strikingly by the lack of inner clarity as to the function of law and justice. There are two extreme poles which are characteristic of this mental lack: —- 1 The opinion that the law as such is its own justification and hence cannot be made the subject of any critical analysis as to its utility, either in regard to its general principles or its relation to particular problems. According to this notion, the law would remain even though the world should disappear. Between these two extreme poles the idea of defending the larger interests of the community was introduced very timidly and under the cloak of an appeal to reasons of state.
In contradistinction to all this, the National Socialist Revolution has laid down a definite and unambiguous principle on which the whole system of legislation, jurisprudence and administration of justice must be founded. It is the task of justice to collaborate in supporting and protecting the people as a whole against those individuals who, because they lack a social conscience, try to shirk the obligations to which all the members of the community are subject, or directly act against the interests of the community itself. In the new German legal system which will be in force from now onwards the nation is placed above persons and property. The principle expressed in that brief statement and everything it implies has led to the greatest reform ever introduced in our German legal structure. The first decisive action taken in accordance with the fundamental principle I have spoken of was the setting up not only of one legislator but also of one executive. The second measure is not yet ready but will be announced to the nation within a few weeks. In the German penal code, which has been drawn up with this wide general perspective in view, German justice will be placed for the first time on a basis which ensures that for all time to come its duty will be to serve in maintaining the German race. Although the chaos which we found before us in the various branches of public life was very great indeed, the state of dissolution into which German economic life had fallen was still greater. And this was the feature of the German collapse that impressed itself most strikingly on the minds of the broad masses of the people. The conditions that then actually existed have still remained in their memories and in the memory of the German people as a whole.
As outstanding examples of this catastrophe we found these two phenomena: — 1 More than six millions of unemployed. The area covered by the German agricultural farms that were on the point of being sold up by forced auction was as large as the whole of Thuringia more than 8. In the natural course of events the falling off in production on the one side and the decrease in purchasing power, on the other, must necessarily bring about the disruption and annihilation of the great mass of the middle class also. How seriously this side of the German distress was then felt might subsequently be measured by the fact that I had to ask for full owners for the period of four years especially for the purpose of reducing unemployment and putting a stop to the dissolution of the German agricultural population. I may further state that in 1933 the National Socialists did not interfere with any activities which were being carried out by others and which at the same time promised success. The Party was called to take over the government of the country at a moment when the possibilities of redeeming the situation in any other way had been exhausted and particularly when repeated attempts to overcome the economic crisis had failed. After four years from that date I now face the German people and you, gentlemen and members of the Reichstag, to give an account of what has been accomplished. On this occasion I do not think you will withhold your sanction from what the National Socialist Government has done and you will agree that I have fulfilled the promises I made four years ago. It was not an easy undertaking. I am not giving away any secrets when I tell you that at that time the so-called economic experts were convinced that the economic crisis could not be overcome.
In the face of this staggering situation which, as I have said, appeared hopeless to the minds of the experts, I still believed in the possibility of a German revival and particularly in the possibility of an economic recovery. My belief was grounded on two considerations: — 1 I have always had sympathy for those excited people who invariably talk of the collapse of the nation whenever they find themselves confronted with a difficult situation. What do they mean by a collapse? The German people were already in existence before they made any definite appearance in history as it is known to us. Now, leaving out entirely what their pre-historic experiences may have been, it is certain that during the past two thousand years of history, through which that portion of mankind which we call the German People has passed, unspeakable miseries and catastrophes must have befallen them more than once. Famines, wars and pestilences have overwhelmed our people and wreaked terrible havoc among them. It must give rise to unlimited faith in the vital resources of a nation when we recall the fact that only a few centuries ago our German people, with a population of more than eighteen millions, were reduced by the Thirty Years War to less than four millions. Let us also remember that this once flourishing land was pillaged, dismembered and devastated, that its cities were burned down, its hamlets and villages laid waste, that its fields were left uncultivated and barren. Some ten years afterwards our people began again to increase in number. The cities were rebuilt and began to be filled with a new life.
The fields were ploughed once more. Songs were heard along the countryside, in concord with the rhythm of that work which brought new life and livelihood to the people. Let us look back over the development, or at least that part of it known to us, through which our people have passed since those dim historic ages down to the present time. We shall then recognize how puny is all the fuss that these weakling fools make who immediately begin to talk about the collapse of the economic structure—and hence of human existence—the first moment a piece of printed paper loses its face value somewhere in the world. Germany and the German people have mastered many a grave catastrophe. Of course, we must admit that the right men were always needed to formulate the necessary measures and enforce them without paying any attention to those negative persons who always think that they know more than others. A bevy of parliamentarian weaklings are certainly not the kind of men to lead a nation out of the slough of distress and despair. I firmly believed and was solemnly convinced that the economic catastrophe would be mastered in Germany as soon as the people could be got to believe in their own immortality as a people and as soon as they realized that the aim and purpose of all economic effort is to save and maintain the life of the nation. But unfortunately I have observed that the worst theorists are always busy in those quarters where theory has no place at all and where practical life counts for everything. It goes without saying that in the economic sphere and with the passing of time experience has given rise to the employment of certain definite principles and also definite methods of work which have been proved to be productive of good results.
But all methods and principles are subject to the time element. To make hard-and-fast dogmas out of practical methods would deprive the human faculties and working power of that elasticity which alone enables them to face changing demands by changing the means of meeting them accordingly and thus mastering them. There were many persons among us who busied themselves, with that perseverance which is characteristic of the Germans, in an effort to formulate dogmas from economic methods and then raise that dogmatic system to a branch of our university curriculum, under the title of national economy. According to the pronouncements issued by these national economists, Germany was irrevocably lost. It is a characteristic of all dogmatists that they vigorously reject any new dogma. In other words, they criticize any new piece of knowledge that may be put forward and reject it as mere theory. For the last eigtheen [sic] years we have been witnessing a rare spectacle. Our economic dogmatists have been proved wrong in almost every branch of practical life and yet they repudiate those who have actually overcome the economic crisis, as propagators of false theories and damn them accordingly. You all know the story of the doctor who told a patient that he could live only for another six months. Ten years afterwards the patient met the physician; but the only surprise which the latter expressed at the recovery of the patient was to state that the treatment which the second doctor gave the patient was entirely wrong.
The German economic policy which National Socialism introduced in 1933 is based on some fundamental considerations. In the relations between economics and the people, the people alone is the only unchangeable element. Economic activity in itself is no dogma and never can be such. There is no economic theory or opinion which can claim to be considered as sacrosanct. The will to place the economic system at the service of the people, and capital at the service of economics, is the only thing that is of decisive importance here. We know that National Socialism vigorously combats the opinion which holds that the economic structure exists for the benefit of capital and that the people are to be looked upon as subject to the economic system. We were therefore determined from the very beginning to exterminate the false notion that the economic system could exist and operate entirely freely and entirely outside of any control or supervision on the part of the State. Today there can no longer be such a thing as an independent economic system. That is to say, the economic system can no longer be left to itself exclusively. And this is so, not only because it is unallowable from the political point of view but also because, in the purely economic sphere itself, the consequences would be disastrous.
It is out of the question that millions of individuals should be allowed to work just as they like and merely to meet their own needs; but it is just as impossible to allow the entire system of economics to function according to the notions held exclusively in economic circles and thus made to serve egotistic interests. Then there is the further consideration that these economic circles are not in a position to bear the responsibility for their own failures. In its modern phase of the development, the economic system concentrates enormous masses of workers in certain special branches and in definite local areas. New inventions or a slump in the market may destroy whole branches of industry at one blow. The industrialist may close his factory gates. He may even try to find a new field for his personal activities. In most cases he will not be ruined so easily. Moreover, the industrialists who have to suffer in such contingencies are only a small number if individuals. But on the other side there are hundreds of thousands of workers, with their wives and children. Who is to defend their interests and care for them?
The whole community of the people? Indeed, it is its duty to do so. Therefore the whole community cannot be made to bear the burden of economic disasters without according it the right of influencing and controlling economic life and thus avoiding catastrophes. It was exclusively a problem of how industrial lab our could best be employed on the one side and, on the other, how our agricultural resources could be utilized. This is first and foremost a problem of organization. Phrases, such as the freedom of the economic system, for example, are no help. What we have to do is use all available means at hand to make production possible and open up fields of activity for our working energies. If this can be successfully done by the economic leaders themselves, that is to say by the industrialists, then we are content. But if they fail the folk-community, which in this case means the State, is obliged to step in for the purpose of seeing that the working energies of the nation are employed in such a way that what they produce will be of use to the nation, and the State will have to devise the necessary measures to assure this. In this respect the State may do everything; but one thing it cannot do—-and this was the actual state of affairs we had to face—-is to allow 12.
For the folk-community does not exist on the fictitious value of money but on the results of productive labor, which is what gives money its value. This production, and not a bank or gold reserve, is the first cover for a currency. And if I increase production I increase the real income of my fellow-citizens. And if I reduce production I reduce that income, no matter what wages are paid out. Members of the Reichstag: Within the past four years we have increased German production to an extraordinary degree in all branches. And the whole German nation benefits by this increase. For it there is a demand today for very many million tons of coal more than formerly, this is not for the purpose of superheating the houses of a few millionaires to a couple of thousand degrees, but rather because millions of our German countrymen are thus enabled to purchase more coal for themselves with their increased income. By giving employment to millions of German workers who had hitherto been idle, the National Socialist Revolution has brought about such a gigantic increase in German production. That rise in our total national income guarantees the market value of the goods produced. And only in such cases where we could not increase this production, owing to certain conditions that were beyond our control, there have been shortages from time to time; but these bear no proportion whatsoever to the general success of the National Socialist struggle.
The four-year plan is the most striking manifestation of the systematic way in which our economic life is being conducted. In particular this plan will provide permanent employment in the internal circulation of our economic life for those masses of German lab our that are now being released from the armament industry. One sign of the gigantic economic development which has taken place is that in many industries today it is quite difficult to find sufficient skilled workmen. I am thankful that this is so; because it will help to place the importance of the worker as a man and as a working force in its proper light; and also because in doing so—though there are other motives also—we have a chance of making the activities of the party and its unions better understood and thus securing stronger and more willing support. Seeing that we insist on the national importance of the function which our economic system fulfils, it naturally follows that the former disunion between employer and employee can no longer exist. But the new State will not and does not wish to assume the role of entrepreneur. It will regulate the working strength of the nation only in so far as such regulation is necessary for the common good. And it will supervise conditions and methods of working only in so far as this is in the interests of all those engaged in work. Under no circumstances will the State attempt to bureaucratize economic life. The economic effects that follow from every real and practical initiative benefit the people as a whole.
At the present moment an inventor or an economic organizer is of inestimable value to the folk community. For the future the first task of National Socialist education will be to make clear to all our fellow-citizens how their reciprocal worth must be appreciated. We must point out to the one side how there can be no substitute for the German worker and we must teach the German worker how indispensable are the inventor and the genuine business leader. It is quite clear that under the aegis of such an outlook on economic life, strikes and lock-outs can no longer be tolerated. The National Socialists State repudiates the right of economic coercion. Above all contracting parties stand the economic interests of the nation, which are the interests of the people. The practical results of this economic policy of ours are already known to you. Throughout the whole nation there is a tremendous urge towards productive activity. Enormous works are arising everywhere for the expansion of industry and traffic. While in other countries strikes or lock-outs shatter the stability of national production, our millions of productive workers obey the highest of all laws that we have in this world, namely the law of common sense.
Within these four years which have passed we have succeeded in bringing about the economic redemption of our people; but we realize at the same time that the results of this economic work in town and city must be safeguarded. The first danger that threatens us here is in the sphere of cultural creativeness. And that danger comes from those who are themselves active in that sphere. For our fellow-countrymen who are engaged in artistic and cultural productivity today, or are acting as custodians and trustees of cultural works, have not the necessary intuitive faculties to value and appreciate the ideal products of human genius in this sphere. The National Socialist Movement has laid down the directive lines along which the State must conduct the education of the people. This education does not begin at a certain year and end at another. The development of the human being makes it necessary to take the child from the control of that small cell of social life which is the family and entrust his further training to the community itself. The National Socialist Revolution has clearly outlined the duties which this social education must fulfil and, above all, it has made this education independent of the question of age. In other words, the education of the individual can never end.
Aller Anfang ist schwer.
Первый блин комом. Лиха беда начало. Кто обжегся на молоке теперь на воду дует. Paradies: Der Ort, wo Menschen die Liebe ernster nehmen als sich selbst. Рай: место, где люди принимают любовь более серьезно, чем самих себя Geduld bringt Rosen. Терпение и труд все перетрут. Терпи, казак, атаманом будешь. Was Du lernen willst zu tun, lernst Du, indem Du es tust. Тому, чему ты хочешь научиться, учишься ты, делая это. Allen Leuten recht getan ist eine Kunst, die niemand kann На вкус и цвет - товарищей нет.
Gute Saat, gute Ernte. Что посеешь, то и пожнёшь. Durch Fehler wird man klug. Reden ist Silber, Schweigen ist Gold. Слово - серебро, молчание - золото. Без труда не вытащить и рыбки из пруда. В любви руки и глаза говорят обычно громче, чем рот. Klein, aber fein. Маленький, да удаленький; Мал золотник, да дорог. Morgen, morgen, nur nicht heute, sagen alle faulen Leute.
Не откладывай на завтра то, что можешь сделать сегодня. Кто рано встаёт, тому Бог даёт. Дуракам везёт Eine Schwalbe macht noch keinen Sommer. Одна ласточка весны не делает. Один в поле не воин Hochmut kommt vor dem Fall. Любовь является одним из решений, а не одна из тайн этого мира. Краткость - сестра таланта. Wenn es etwas Besseres gibt als geliebt zu werden, ist es lieben. Если есть что-нибудь лучше, чем быть любимым, это любить. Kommt Zeit, kommt Rat.
Man soll den Tag nicht vor dem Abend loben. Цыплят по осени считают. Маленькие дети не дают спать, а большие жить. Papier ist geduldig. Бумага всё выдержит. Всё тайное становится явным. Шила в мешке не утаишь. Кто не успел - тот опоздал. Wenn zwei sich streiten, freut sich der Dritte. Где два дурака дерутся, там третий смотрит.
Kleider Machen Leute. Wer im Glashaus sitzt, sollte nicht mit Steinen werfen. Не руби сук, на котором сидишь. Wie eine Made im Speck leben. Кататься как сыр в масле. Wer gut futtert, der gut buttert. Каков уход, таков доход. Кто хорошо кормит, у того хорошо пашется. Wenn ich trinke denke ich und wenn ich denke trinke ich Когда я пью - я думаю, а когда я думаю - я пью. Stille Wasser sind tief.
В тихом омуте черти водятся. Wer nicht wagt, der nicht gewinnt. Кто не рискует, тот не пьёт шапманское. Jedem das seine Каждый сверчок знай свой шесток Wer viel gastiert, hat bald quittiert. Хорошо смеется тот, кто смеется последний. Довольному сердцу везде светит солнце. Только мамина любовь длится вечно. Nur die Liebe der Mutter ist ewig. Спаси и сохрани. Rette und bewahre.
Спасибо родителям за жизнь. Счастливая по жизни. Спасибо маме и папе за жизнь. Интуиция - это жизнь! Intuition ist das Leben! Моя мама - мой ангел.
It was a real work of peace, of more worth than all the chattering in the League of Nations Palace at Geneva. There can scarcely be any difference of opinion to-day among the true friends of peace with regard to the value of this agreement. One only needs to ask oneself what might have happened to Europe if this agreement, which brought such relief, had not been entered into five years ago. In signing it, this great Polish marshal and patriot rendered his people just as great a service as the leaders of the National Socialist State rendered the German people. During the troubled months of the past year the friendship between Germany and Poland was one of the reassuring factors in the political life of Europe. The German and Polish statements regarding these negotiations are to be found in the annexed documents. Here, too, the Peace Treaty of Versailles-of course intentionally-inflicted a most severe wound on Germany. The strange way in which the Corridor giving Poland access to the sea was marked out was meant, above all, to prevent for all time the establishment of an understanding between Poland and Germany. This problem is-as I have already stressed-perhaps the most painful of all problems for Germany. Nevertheless, I have never ceased to uphold the view that the necessity of a free access to the sea for the Polish State cannot be ignored, and that as a general principle, valid for this case, too, nations which Providence has destined or, if you like, condemned to live side by side would be well advised not to make life still harder for each other artificially and unnecessarily. The late Marshal Pilsudski, who was of the same opinion, was therefore prepared to go into the question of clarifying the atmosphere of German-Polish relations, and, finally, to conclude an agreement whereby Germany and Poland expressed their intention of renouncing war altogether as a means of settling the questions which concerned them both. This agreement contained one single exception which was in practice conceded to Poland. It was laid down that the pacts of mutual assistance already entered into by Poland-this applied to the pact with France- should not be affected by the agreement. But it was obvious that this could apply only to the pact of mutual assistance already concluded beforehand, and not to whatever new pacts might be concluded in the future. It is a fact that the German-Polish Agreement resulted in a remarkable lessening of the European tension. Nevertheless, there remained one open question between Germany and Poland, which sooner or later quite naturally had to be solved-the question of the German city of Danzig. Danzig is a German city and wishes to belong to Germany. On the other hand, this city has contracts with Poland, which were admittedly forced upon it by the dictators of the Peace of Versailles.
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